A MAP OF THE BRITISH DOMINIONS IN NORTH AMERICA., ACCORDING TO
THE TREATY IN 1763,
By Peter Bell, Geographer, 1772.
IV
COLONIAL UNION, 1760-1774
Books for Study and Reading
References.--Fiske's War of Independence, 39-86;
Scudder's George Washington; Lossing's Field-Book of the
Revolution; English History for Americans, 244-284 (English
political history).
Home Readings.--Irving's Washington (abridged
edition); Cooke's Stories of the Old Dominion; Cooper's
Lionel Lincoln; Longfellow's Paul Revere's Ride.
CHAPTER 11
BRITAIN'S COLONIAL SYSTEM
England's early liberal colonial policy.
England's changed colonial policy.
103. Early Colonial Policy.--At the outset, England's
rulers had been very kind to Englishmen who founded colonies. They
gave them great grants of land. They gave them rights of
self-government greater than any Englishmen living in England
enjoyed. They allowed them to manage their own trade and industries
as they saw fit. They even permitted them to worship God as their
consciences told them to worship him. But, as the colonists grew in
strength and in riches, Britain's rulers tried to make their trade
profitable to British merchants and interfered in their government.
On their part the colonists disobeyed the navigation laws and
disputed with the royal officials. For years Britain's rulers
allowed this to go on. But, at length, near the close of the last
French war Mr. Pitt ordered the laws to be enforced.
Difficulties in enforcing the navigation laws.
James Otis. Eggleston, 163. His speech against writs of
assistance, 1761.
104. Writs of Assistance, 1761.--It was a good deal
easier to order the laws to be carried out than it was to carry
them out. It was almost impossible for the customs officers to
prevent goods being landed contrary to law. When the goods were
once on shore, it was difficult to seize them. So the officers
asked the judges to give them writs of assistance. Among the
leading lawyers of Boston was James Otis. He was the king's law
officer in the province. But he resigned his office and opposed the
granting of the writs. He objected to the use of writs of
assistance because they enabled a customs officer to become a
tyrant. Armed with one of them he could go to the house of a man he
did not like and search it from attic to cellar, turn everything
upside down and break open doors and trunks. It made no difference,
said Otis, whether Parliament had said that the writs were legal.
For Parliament could not make an act of tyranny legal. To do that
was beyond the power even of Parliament.
Patrick Henry. Eggleston, 162.
His speech in the Parson's Cause, 1763.
105. The Parson's Cause, 1763.--The next important case
arose in Virginia and came about in this way. The Virginians made a
law regulating the salaries of clergymen in the colony. The king
vetoed the law. The Virginians paid no heed to the veto. The clergy
men appealed to the courts and the case of one of them was selected
for trial. Patrick Henry, a prosperous young lawyer, stated the
opinions of the Virginians in a speech which made his reputation.
The king, he said, had no right to veto a Virginia law that was for
the good of the people. To do so was an act of tyranny, and the
people owed no obedience to a tyrant. The case was decided for the
clergyman. For the law was clearly on his side. But the jurymen
agreed with Henry. They gave the clergyman only one farthing
damages, and no more clergymen brought cases into the court. The
king's veto was openly disobeyed.
Proclamation of 1763. McMaster, 110.
106. The King's Proclamation of 1763.--In the same year
that the Parson's Cause was decided the king issued a proclamation
which greatly lessened the rights of Virginia and several other
colonies to western lands. Some of the old charter lines, as those
of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Virginia, and the Carolinas had
extended to the Pacific Ocean. By the treaty of 1763 (p. 69) the
king, for himself and his subjects, abandoned all claim to lands
west of Mississippi River. Now in the Proclamation of 1763 he
forbade the colonial governors to grant any lands west of the
Alleghany Mountains. The western limit of Virginia and the
Carolinas was fixed. Their pioneers could not pass the mountains
and settle in the fertile valleys of the Ohio and its branches.
CHAPTER 12
TAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION
George III.
George Grenville.
The British Parliament.
107. George III and George Grenville.--George III became
king in 1760. He was a narrow, stupid, well-meaning, ignorant young
man of twenty-one. He soon found in George Grenville a narrow,
dull, well-meaning lawyer, a man who would do what he was told. So
George Grenville became the head of the government. To him the law
was the law. If he wished to do a thing and could find the law for
it, he asked for nothing more. His military advisers told him that
an army must be kept in America for years. It was Grenville's
business to find the money to support this army. Great Britain was
burdened with a national debt. The army was to be maintained,
partly, at least, for the protection of the colonists. Why should
they not pay a part of the cost of maintaining it? Parliament was
the supreme power in the British Empire. It controlled the king,
the church, the army, and the navy. Surely a Parliament that had
all this power could tax the colonists. At all events, Grenville
thought it could, and Parliament passed the Stamp Act to tax
them.
Taxation and representation.
Henry's resolutions, 1765. Higginson, 161-164;
McMaster, 112-114.
108. Henry's Resolutions, 1765.--The colonists, however,
with one voice, declared that Parliament had no power to tax them.
Taxes, they said, could be voted only by themselves or their
representatives. They were represented in their own colonial
assemblies, and nowhere else. Patrick Henry was now a member of the
Virginia assembly. He had just been elected for the first time. But
as none of the older members of the assembly proposed any action,
Henry tore a leaf from an old law-book and wrote on it a set of
resolutions. These he presented in a burning speech, upholding the
rights of the Virginians. He said that to tax them by act of
Parliament was tyranny. "Caesar and Tarquin had each his Brutus,
Charles I his Cromwell, and George III"--"Treason, treason,"
shouted the speaker. "May profit by their example," slowly Henry
went on. "If that be treason, make the most of it." The resolutions
were voted. In them the Virginians declared that they were not
subject to Acts of Parliament laying taxes or interfering in the
internal affairs of Virginia.
HENRY'S FIRST AND LAST RESOLUTIONS (FACSIMILE OF THE ORIGINAL
DRAFT).
Opposition to the Stamp Act, 1765.
Higginson, 164-165; McMaster, 116.
109. Stamp Act Riots, 1765.--Until the summer of 1765 the
colonists contented themselves with passing resolutions. There was
little else that they could do. They could not refuse to obey the
law because it would not go into effect until November. They could
not mob the stamp distributers because no one knew their names. In
August the names of the stamp distributers were published. Now at
last it was possible to do something besides passing resolutions.
In every colony the people visited the stamp officers and told them
to resign. If they refused, they were mobbed until they resigned.
In Boston the rioters were especially active. They detested Thomas
Hutchinson. He was lieutenant-governor and chief justice and had
been active in enforcing the navigation acts. The rioters attacked
his house. They broke his furniture, destroyed his clothing, and
made a bonfire of his books and papers.
Colonial congresses.
Albany Congress, 1754.
Stamp Act Congress, 1765.
110. The Stamp Act Congress, 1765.--Colonial congresses
were no new thing. There had been many meetings of governors and
delegates from colonial assemblies. The most important of the early
congresses was the Albany Congress of 1754. It was important
because it proposed a plan of union. The plan was drawn up by
Benjamin Franklin. But neither the king nor the colonists liked it,
and it was not adopted. All these earlier congresses had been
summoned by the king's officers to arrange expeditions against the
French or to make treaties with the Indians. The Stamp Act Congress
was summoned by the colonists to protest against the doings of king
and Parliament.
[Illustration: PATRICK HENRY "I am not a Virginian, but an
American."]
Declaration of the Rights and Grievances of the
Colonists, 1765. McMaster, 115.
111. Work of the Stamp Act Congress.--Delegates from nine
colonies met at New York in October, 1765. They drew up a
"Declaration of the Rights and Grievances of the Colonists." In
this paper they declared that the colonists, as subjects of the
British king, had the same rights as British subjects living in
Britain, and were free from taxes except those to which they had
given their consent. They claimed for themselves the right of trial
by jury--which might be denied under the Stamp Act. But the most
important thing about the congress was the fact that nine colonies
had put aside their local jealousies and had joined in holding
it.
Benjamin Franklin.
Examined by the House of Commons.
112. Franklin's Examination.--Born in Boston, Benjamin
Franklin ran away from home and settled at Philadelphia. By great
exertion and wonderful shrewdness he rose from poverty to be one of
the most important men in the city and colony. He was a printer, a
newspaper editor, a writer, and a student of science. With kite and
string he drew down the lightning from the clouds and showed that
lightning was a discharge of electricity. He was now in London as
agent for Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. His scientific and
literary reputation gave him great influence. He was examined at
the bar of the House of Commons. Many questions and answers were
arranged beforehand between Franklin and his friends in the House.
But many questions were answered on the spur of the moment. Before
the passage of the Stamp Act the feeling of the colonists toward
Britain had been "the best in the world." So Franklin declared. But
now, he said, it was greatly altered. Still an army sent to America
would find no rebellion there. It might, indeed, make one. In
conclusion, he said the repeal of the act would not make the
colonists any more willing to pay taxes.
Fall of Grenville.
Repeal of the Stamp Act, 1766.
The Declaratory Act, 1766.
113. Repeal of the Stamp Act, 1766.--It chanced that at
this moment George III and George Grenville fell out. The king
dismissed the minister, and gave the Marquis of Rockingham the
headship of a new set of ministers. Now Rockingham and his friends
needed aid from somebody to give them the strength to outvote
Grenville and the Tories. So when the question of what should be
done about the Stamp Act came up, they listened most attentively to
what Mr. Pitt had to say. That great man said that the Stamp Act
should be repealed wholly and at once. At the same time another law
should be passed declaring that Parliament had power to legislate
for the colonies in all cases whatsoever. The Rockinghams at once
did as Mr. Pitt suggested. The Stamp Act was repealed. The
Declaratory Act was passed. In the colonies Pitt was praised as a
deliverer. Statues of him were placed in the streets, pictures of
him were hung in public halls. But, in reality, the passage of the
Declaratory Act was the beginning of more trouble.
The Chatham Ministry.
The Townshend Acts, 1767. McMaster, 117-118.
114. The Townshend Acts, 1767.--The Rockingham ministers
did what Mr. Pitt advised them to do. He then turned them out and
made a ministry of his own. He was now Earl of Chatham, and his
ministry was the Chatham Ministry. The most active of the Chatham
ministers was Charles Townshend. He had the management of the
finances and found them very hard to manage. So he hit upon a
scheme of laying duties on wine, oil, glass, lead, painter's
colors, and tea imported into the colonies. Mr. Pitt had said that
Parliament could regulate colonial trade. The best way to regulate
trade was to tax it. At the same time that Townshend brought in
this bill, he brought in others to reorganize the colonial customs
service and make it possible to collect the duties. He even
provided that offences against the revenue laws should be tried by
judges appointed directly by the king, without being submitted to a
jury of any kind.
The Sugar Act.
Enforcement of the Navigation Acts.
115. Colonial Opposition, 1768.--Many years before this,
Parliament had made a law taxing all sugar brought into the
continental colonies, except sugar that had been made in the
British West Indies. Had this law been carried out, the trade of
Massachusetts and other New England colonies would have been
ruined. But the law was not enforced. No one tried to enforce it,
except during the few months of vigor at the time of the arguments
about writs of assistance. As the taxes were not collected, no one
cared whether they were legal or not. Now it was plain that this
tax and the Townshend duties were to be collected. The
Massachusetts House of Representatives drew up a circular letter to
the other colonial assemblies asking them to join in opposing the
new taxes. The British government ordered the House to recall the
letter. It refused and was dissolved. The other colonial assemblies
were directed to take no notice of the circular letter. They
replied at the first possible moment and were dissolved.
Seizure of the sloop Liberty, 1768.
116. The New Customs Officers at Boston, 1768.--The chief
office of the new customs organization was fixed at Boston. Soon
John Hancock's sloop, Liberty, sailed into the harbor with a
cargo of Madeira wine. As Hancock had no idea of paying the duty,
the customs officers seized the sloop and towed her under the guns
of a warship which was in the harbor. Crowds of people now
collected. They could not recapture the Liberty. They seized
one of the war-ship's boats, carried it to the Common, and had a
famous bonfire. All this confusion frightened the chief customs
officers. They fled to the castle in the harbor and wrote to the
government for soldiers to protect them.
ONE OF JOHN HANCOCK'S BILL-HEADS.
Virginia Resolves, 1769.
117. The Virginia Resolves of 1769.--Parliament now asked
the king to have colonists, accused of certain crimes, brought to
England for trial. This aroused the Virginians. They passed a set
of resolutions, known as the Virginia Resolves of 1769. These
resolves asserted: (1) that the colonists only had the right to tax
the colonists; (2) that the colonists had the right to petition
either by themselves or with the people of other colonies; and (3)
that no colonist ought to be sent to England for trial.
Non-Importation Agreements, 1769.
Partial repeal of the Townshend Acts, 1770.
118. Non-Importation Agreements, 1769.--When he learned
what was going on, the governor of Virginia dissolved the assembly.
But the members met in the Raleigh tavern near by. There George
Washington laid before them a written agreement to use no British
goods upon which duties had been paid. They all signed this
agreement. Soon the other colonies joined Virginia in the
Non-Importation Agreement. English merchants found their trade
growing smaller and smaller. They could not even collect their
debts, for the colonial merchants said that trade in the colonies
was so upset by the Townshend Acts that they could not sell their
goods, or collect the money owing to them. The British merchants
petitioned Parliament to repeal the duties, and Parliament answered
them by repealing all the duties except the tax on tea.
THE "RALEIGH TAVERN".
CHAPTER 13
REVOLUTION IMPENDING
The British soldiers at New York.
Soldiers sent to Boston, 1768.
119. The Soldiers at New York and Boston.--Soldiers had
been stationed at New York ever since the end of the French war
because that was the most central point on the coast. The New
Yorkers did not like to have the soldiers there very well, because
Parliament expected them to supply the troops with certain things
without getting any money in return. The New York Assembly refused
to supply them, and Parliament suspended the Assembly's sittings.
In 1768 two regiments came from New York to Boston to protect the
customs officers.
The Boston Massacre, 1770. Higginson,
166-169; McMaster, 118.
120. The Boston Massacre, 1770.--There were not enough
soldiers at Boston to protect the customs officers--if the
colonists really wished to hurt them. There were quite enough
soldiers at Boston to get themselves and the colonists into
trouble. On March 5, 1770, a crowd gathered around the soldiers
stationed on King's Street, now State Street. There was snow on the
ground, and the boys began to throw snow and mud at the soldiers.
The crowd grew bolder. Suddenly the soldiers fired on the people.
They killed four colonists and wounded several more. Led by Samuel
Adams, the people demanded the removal of the soldiers to the fort
in the harbor. Hutchinson was now governor. He offered to send one
regiment out of the town. "All or none," said Adams, and all were
sent away.
Town Committees of Correspondence.
Colonial Committees of Correspondence, 1769.
121. Committees of Correspondence.--Up to this time the
resistance of the colonists had been carried on in a haphazard sort
of way. Now Committees of Correspondence began to be appointed.
These committees were of two kinds. First there were town
Committees of Correspondence. These were invented by Samuel Adams
and were first appointed in Massachusetts. But more important were
the colonial Committees of Correspondence. The first of these was
appointed by Virginia in 1769. At first few colonies followed
Massachusetts and Virginia in appointing committees. But as one act
of tyranny succeeded another, other colonies fell into line. By
1775 all the colonies were united by a complete system of
Committees of Correspondence.
The tax on tea. McMaster, 119.
122. The Tea Tax.--Of all the Townshend duties only the
tax on tea was left. It happened that the British East India
Company had tons of tea in its London storehouses and was greatly
in need of money. The government told the company that it might
send tea to America without paying any taxes in England, but the
three-penny colonial tax would have to be paid in the colonies. In
this way the colonists would get their tea cheaper than the people
of England. But the colonists were not to be bribed into paying the
tax in any such way. The East India Company sent over ship-loads of
tea. The tea ships were either sent back again or the tea was
stored in some safe place where no one could get it.
Boston Tea Party, 1773. Higginson, 171-173;
Eggleston, 165; Source-Book, 137.
123. The Boston Tea Party, 1773.--In Boston things did
not go so smoothly. The agents of the East India Company refused to
resign. The collector of the customs refused to give the ships
permission to sail away before the tea was landed. Governor
Hutchinson refused to give the ship captains a pass to sail by the
fort until the collector gave his permission. The commander at the
fort refused to allow the ships to sail out of the harbor until
they had the necessary papers. The only way to get rid of the tea
was to destroy it. A party of patriots, dressed as Indians, went on
board of the ships as they lay at the wharf, broke open the tea
boxes, and threw the tea into the harbor.
Repressive acts, 1774. McMaster, 120.
124. Punishment of Massachusetts, 1774.--The British
king, the British government, and the mass of the British people
were furious when they found that the Boston people had made "tea
with salt water." Parliament at once went to work passing acts to
punish the colonists. One act put an end to the constitution of
Massachusetts. Another act closed the port of Boston so tightly
that the people could not bring hay from Charlestown to give to
their starving horses. A third act provided that soldiers who fired
on the people should be tried in England. And a fourth act
compelled the colonists to feed and shelter the soldiers employed
to punish them.
The colonists aid Massachusetts. Higginson,
174-177.
George Washington.
125. Sympathy with the Bostonians.--King George thought
he could punish the Massachusetts people as much as he wished
without the people of the other colonies objecting. It soon
appeared that the people of the other colonies sympathized most
heartily with the Bostonians. They sent them sheep and rice. They
sent them clothes. George Washington was now a rich man. He offered
to raise a thousand men with his own money, march with them to
Boston, and rescue the oppressed people from their oppressors. But
the time for war had not yet come although it was not far off.
The Quebec Act, 1774.
126. The Quebec Act, 1774.--In the same year that
Parliament passed the four acts to punish Massachusetts, it passed
another act which affected the people of other colonies as well as
those of Massachusetts. This was the Quebec Act. It provided that
the land between the Ohio, the Mississippi, and the Great Lakes
should be added to the Province of Quebec. Now this land was
claimed by Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, and
Virginia. These colonies were to be deprived of their rights to
land in that region. The Quebec Act also provided for the
establishment of a very strong government in that province. This
seemed to be an attack on free institutions. All these things drove
the colonists to unite. They resolved to hold a congress where the
leaders of the several continental colonies might talk over matters
and decide what should be done.
The First Continental Congress, 1774.
127. The First Continental Congress, 1774.--The members
of the Continental Congress met in Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia,
in September, 1774. Never, except in the Federal Convention (p.
137), have so many great men met together. The greatest delegation
was that from Virginia. It included George Washington, Patrick
Henry, and Richard Henry Lee. From Massachusetts came the two
Adamses, John and Samuel. From New York came John Jay. From
Pennsylvania came John Dickinson. Of all the greatest Americans
only Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin were absent.
[Illustration: CARPENTER'S HALL, PHILADELPHIA.]
The American Association, 1774.
128. The American Association, 1774.--It soon became
clear that the members of the Congress were opposed to any hasty
action. They were not willing to begin war with Great Britain.
Instead of so doing they adopted a Declaration of Rights and formed
the American Association. The Declaration of Rights was of slight
importance. But the Association was of great importance, as the
colonies joining it agreed to buy no more British goods. This
policy was to be carried out by the Committees of Correspondence.
Any colony refusing to join the Association should be looked upon
as hostile "to the liberties of this country," and treated as an
enemy. The American Association was the real beginning of the
American Union.
Resistance throughout the colonies 1774-75.
129. The Association carried out, 1774-75.--It was soon
evident that Congress in forming the Association had done precisely
what the people wished to have done. For instance, in Virginia
committees were chosen in every county. They examined the
merchants' books. They summoned before them persons suspected of
disobeying "the laws of Congress." Military companies were formed
in every county and carried out the orders of the committees. The
ordinary courts were entirely disregarded. In fact, the royal
government had come to an end in the Old Dominion.
Parliament punishes Massachusetts, 1774-75.
130. More Punishment for Massachusetts, 1774-75.--George
III and his ministers refused to see that the colonies were
practically united. On the contrary, they determined to punish the
people of Massachusetts still further. Parliament passed acts
forbidding the Massachusetts fishermen to catch fish and forbidding
the Massachusetts traders to trade with the people of Virginia,
Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and all foreign countries. The
Massachusetts colonists were rebels, they should be treated as
rebels. General Gage was given more soldiers and ordered to crush
the rebellion.
General Gage.
Opposed by the Massachusetts people.
131. Gage in Massachusetts, 1774-75.--General Gage found
he had a good deal to do before he could begin to crush the
rebellion. He had to find shelter for his soldiers. He also had to
find food for them. The Boston carpenters would not work for him.
He had to bring carpenters from Halifax and New York to do his
work. The farmers of eastern Massachusetts were as firm as the
Boston carpenters. They would not sell food to General Gage. So he
had to bring food from England and from Halifax. He managed to buy
or seize wood to warm the soldiers and hay to feed his horses. But
the boats bringing these supplies to Boston were constantly upset
in a most unlooked-for way. The colonists, on their part, elected a
Provincial Congress to take the place of the regular government.
The militia was reorganized, and military stores gathered
together.
[Illustration: APRIL 19, 1775, DRAWN AND ENGRAVED BY TWO MEN WHO
TOOK PART IN THE ACTION. Reproduced through the courtesy of Rev. E.
G. Porter.]
Lexington and Concord, 1775. Higginson,
178-183; McMaster, 126-128; Source-Book, 144-146.
132. Lexington and Concord, April 19, 1775.--Gage had
said that with ten thousand men he could march all over
Massachusetts. In April, 1775, he began to crush the rebellion by
sending a strong force to Concord to destroy stores which his spies
told him had been collected there. The soldiers began their march
in the middle of the night. But Paul Revere and William Dawes were
before them. "The regulars are coming," was the cry. At Lexington,
the British found a few militiamen drawn up on the village green.
Some one fired and a few Americans were killed. On the British
marched to Concord. By this time the militiamen had gathered in
large numbers. It was a hot day. The regulars were tired. They
stopped to rest. Some of the militiamen attacked the regulars at
Concord, and when the British started on their homeward march, the
fighting began in earnest. Behind every wall and bit of rising
ground were militiamen. One soldier after another was shot down and
left behind. At Lexington the British met reinforcements, or they
would all have been killed or captured. Soon they started again.
Again the fighting began. It continued until the survivors reached
a place of safety under the guns of the warships anchored off
Charlestown. The Americans camped for the night at Cambridge and
began the siege of Boston.
QUESTIONS AND TOPICS
CHAPTER 11
§ 103.--a. Name some instances which illustrate
England's early policy toward its colonies.
b. Explain the later change of policy, giving reasons for
it.
§§ 104, 105.--a. What reasons did Otis give for
his opposition to the writs of assistance? Why are such writs
prohibited by the Constitution of the United States?
b. What is a veto? What right had the King of Great
Britain to veto a Virginia law? Which side really won in the
Parson's Cause?
§ 106.--What colonies claimed land west of the Alleghany
Mountains? How did the king interfere with these claims?
CHAPTER 12
§§ 107-109.--a. What reasons were given for
keeping an army in America?
b. What is meant by saying that Parliament was "the
supreme power in the British Empire"?
c. Is a stamp tax a good kind of tax?
d. Explain carefully the colonists' objections to the
Stamp Act of 1765. Do the same objections hold against the present
Stamp tax?
§§ 110-113.--a. Explain the difference between
the Stamp Act Congress and the earlier Congress.
b. What did the Stamp Act Congress do?
c. Give an account of Franklin. What did Franklin say
about the feeling in the colonies?
d. Explain carefully the causes which led to the repeal
of the Stamp Act.
e. Can the taxing power and the legislative power be
separated? What is the case to-day in your own state? In the United
States?
§§ 114-116.--a. How did Townshend try to raise
money? How did this plan differ from the Stamp tax?
b. What was the Massachusetts Circular Letter? Why was it
important?
c. What was the result of the seizure of the
Liberty?
§§ 117, 118.--a. What were the Virginia
Resolves of 1769? Why were they passed?
b. What were the Non-importation agreements?
c. What action did the British merchants take? What
results followed?
CHAPTER 13
§§ 119, 120.--a. Why were the soldiers
stationed at New York? At Boston?
b. Describe the trouble at Boston. Why is it called a
massacre?
§§ 121-123.--a. What was the work of a
Committee of Correspondence?
b. What did the British government hope to accomplish in
the tea business? Why did the colonists refuse to buy the tea?
c. Why was the destruction of the tea at Boston
necessary?
§§ 124-126.--a. How did Parliament punish the
colonists of Massachusetts and Boston? Which of these acts was most
severe? Why?
b. What effect did these laws have on Massachusetts? On
the other colonies?
c. Explain the provisions of the Quebec Act.
d. How would this act affect the growth of the
colonies?
§§ 127-129.--a. What was the object of the
Continental Congress?
b. Why was the Association so important?
c. How was the idea of the Association carried out?
d. What government did the colonies really have?
§§ 130-132.--a. What is a rebel? Were the
Massachusetts colonists rebels?
b. Describe General Gage's difficulties.
c. What was the result of Gage's attempt to seize the
arms at Concord?
GENERAL QUESTIONS
a. Arrange, with dates, all the acts of the British
government which offended the colonists.
b. Arrange, with dates, all the important steps which led
toward union. Why are these steps important?
c. Give the chief causes of the Revolution and explain
why you select these.
TOPICS FOR SPECIAL WORK
a. The early life of Benjamin Franklin (Franklin's
Autobiography).
b. The early life of George Washington (Scudder's
Washington).
c. The Boston Tea Party (Fiske's War of
Independence).
d. The Nineteenth of April, 1775 (Fiske's War of
Independence; Lossing's Field-Book).
SUGGESTIONS TO THE TEACHER
This section is not only the most important but the most
difficult of any so far considered. Its successful teaching
requires more preparation than any earlier section. The teacher is
advised carefully to peruse Channing's Students' History,
ch. iv, and to state in simple, clear language, the difference
between the ideas on representation which prevailed in England and
in the colonies. Another point to make clear is the legal supremacy
of Parliament. The outbreak was hastened by the stupid use of legal
rights which the supremacy of Parliament placed in the hands of
Britain's rulers, who acted often in defiance of the real public
opinion of the mass of the inhabitants of Great Britain.
|